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Family planning dissertation

During the past 50 years, family-planning programs have been completely heavily promoted across the expanding world. A huge academic literary works now checks both the mental rationale for these programs, and their influence on a wide range of market and financial outcomes. Lately, the availability of recent methods and new datasets from the producing world provides intensified the educational research on these issues although the support pertaining to family-programs themselves has diminished. This daily news examines the economic and demographic books on family members planning courses and summarizes evidence of all their impact on male fertility as well as further outcomes such as child mortality, investments in children’s human capital, the economical status of households as well as the macro-impacts on communities.

The goal is to provide policy-makers with an understanding of the strengths, limitations and points of contract that emerge from this great literature.

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PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT

1 . Advantages

In the past 50 years, family planning (FP) programs had been heavily advertised across the developing world as a method to reduce fertility rates and promote monetary development.

The central assumption in back of such applications is that the decline in birth rates throughout the early stages of demographic change can enhance economic growth, reduce environmental pressures, lessen dependency proportions and improve a societies’ ability to invest in health and education (Coale, Hoover, and Press 1958). At the micro-level, it has been assumed that a decline in fertility might relieve ladies of the burden of repeated child-bearing and release opportunities for them to increase training and engage in the labor-force.

A significant materials ” molded by economists and demographers ” now tests these assumptions (Kelley and McGreevey 1994; Kelley 1995). Much of the literature yet , remains either theoretical or perhaps focused on macro-correlations between parameters such as virility or populace growth and indicators of development including GDP expansion or female education. The causal effect of weak fertility and/or the influences of FP programs upon fertility have got proved to be difficult to find. One of the main challenges faced by researchers is that fertility fall is impacted by a wide range of factors, including socioeconomic variables just like income, education (particularly girl education) and female employment. Within these parameters can affect the necessity for FP, the composition of the courses, and their greatest impact. There is also the issue of plan itself. FP programs hardly ever rolled out randomly. Placement of applications in areas with unique characteristics caused it to be difficult to identify the precise policy driver of any noticed change in tendencies.

In recent years, the study has been rampacked by the accessibility to new strategies and new datasets from the developing globe. This includes cross-sectional surveys like the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), -panel datasets including the Family Your life Surveys, as well as the use of unique assignment analysis methods that study causal relationships underneath careful technological experimental structures. This paper examines this literature and summarizes proof of the impact of FP courses on virility as well as further outcomes such as child mortality, investments in kid’s human capital, the economic status of households and the macro-impacts about communities. All of us define an FP program as any arranged effort to encourage couples to limit their friends and family size, and space all their births by utilizing contraceptive info and services.

This includes legal, regulatory, and programmatic efforts to supply preventive medicines to a population as well as initiatives to reduce the demand for children and increase the with regard to contraception through information and/or social marketing promotions. The daily news is arranged as follows: Section 2 gives a brief history of FP courses in the content WWII age and argues that FP programs have got declined in priority following your ICPD convention in Cairo in1994. Sections 3 and 4 offer an overview of two strands from the literature on FP courses: nonexperimental studies that use cross-sectional or -panel data to evaluate large-scale FP programs in states, countries or areas; and fresh studies that analyze randomly or pseudo-random pilot assignments. Section your five examines the literature around the cost-effectiveness of FP programs. Section 6 provides a lot of perspectives that are likely to fascination policy-makers.

PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT

2 . Friends and family planning applications: A short record

Friends and family planning (FP) programs surfaced after Ww ii. The planet’s first key program was established in India in 1951 and was soon after accompanied by Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, and China. Simply by 1975, regarding 74 producing countries had established them (Seltzer 2002; Cleland ain al. 2006). Most applications fall into three general teams: (a) those that specifically aimed to curtail population growth through explicit policies such as promoting contraception and/or establishing incentives to have fewer children; (b) those that did not aim to stop population expansion, but promoted FP for other purposes; and (c) those with not any explicit populace policies but allowed outside donors to run programs that had been mostly little in range (Nortman and Hofstatter 1980; Nortman 1985). The first group was dominated simply by Asian countries, mainly East Asia and some Southern region Asian countries (Mauldin, Berelson, and Sykes 1978; Lapham and Mauldin 85; Mauldin and Ross 1991)1. In China and Vietnam for example , the governments officially announced inside the early sixties that couples should have no more than two or three kids and started a wide-range of concours that both directly or indirectly added towards this goal. Various governments supplied citizens with incentives to meet these focuses on.

In China and tiawan, couples using more than two children (or one child in some areas of China) were subjected to aigu? and fines, though the observance of this program varies significantly (Short and Fengying 1998; Attane 2002). Permanent methods of contraception (mainly sterilization) had been often presented to free. two In Korea, Indonesia and Thailand, FP programs centered heavily on the expansion of usage of IUDs and other temporary methods in addition to permanentmethods. In South Asia, the programs had been less strong than in East Asia nevertheless large in scope. India for example , set up a vast network of clinics that were to supply contraceptive solutions. In the 1960s, this is followed by a public health”based outreach software which stressed education and awareness especially in rural areas (Harkavy and Roy 1997). One common feature of virtually all applications in this group was that they were generally led, funded and managed simply by domestic government authorities, and engaged a broad range of ministries and mass businesses that give attention to educating, endorsing, and encouraging lovers to use FP methods. Another common feature of applications in this group is that they had been typically 1 component of larger development policies that aimed to increase entry to health-care, education and industrialization.

These writers have developed quantitative measures of family preparing program durability, or “effort that are based upon the number and quality of institutions which can be involved with friends and family planning programs. The steps of effort came from the belief that strong family planning programs must have any essential features: (a) It may offer a full-range of contraceptive methods and deliver all of them through a lot of delivery devices, particularly in rural areas; (b) It will have a corps of full-time fieldworkers and informed the public about contraception; (c) Prominent leaders should issue frequent claims favoring the utilization of contraceptives; (d) The program must have a a lot of the time director, put well up inside the government framework, and various ministries and agencies will need to provide technical, logistical and financial assistance. More will probably be said about these criteria, and the studies that support these people later with this paper.

In Vietnam, Bryant (1998: 246) writes that right before virility declined, a large number of health employees were given fundamental training and sent to villages to promote utilization of mosquito nets, distribute regionally made prescription drugs, deliver babies, administer vaccinations, and carry out different standard main health care functions.

INITIAL AND IMPERFECT DRAFT

The second selection of countries was dominated by simply Latin America. 3 Right up until about 1960, governments in this region remained firmly pro-natalist within their ideals (Mundigo 1996). This changed because of a concern about the substantial incidence of unsafe abortions in the mid-1960s. Abortions performed in unsanitary conditions by unqualified workers were thought to contribute to mother’s mortality and in addition resulted in large public expenditures as women with abortion-related complications desired care all over from open public hospitals (Mundigo 1996). To reduce disagreement together with the Catholic House of worship however , FP programs in Latin America began as small private projects that were generally funded by simply international donors and NGOs. In most countries, particularly Brazil and Peru, these courses were finally incorporated in national public well-being programs. By the 1980s, countries in this group generally acquired broader desired goals than simply minimizing fertility and/or the practice of unsafe abortion. They generally aimed at increasing maternal and child wellness through better birth space, access to pre- and post-natal care. A lot of Asian applications also get into this category. Bangladesh is particularly popular. Its national program, launched in 1976, aimed to provide women using a wide a number of contraceptive methods through home-visits by a network of locally hired female-health care workers.

Sanitation was as part of the package of options and the first few years of the program, compensation was agreed to those who find the procedure (Cleland and Mauldin 1991). The program continued to be largely non-reflex and dedicated to maternal and child-health even more broadly. The same effort is seen in Serbia, which introduced its put in 1989. Free contraceptives had been distributed by using a network of village overall health workers, whom also encouraged women over a broad range of maternal and child health problems. The third band of countries was almost completely dominated by Sub-Saharan The african continent. Some countries did create programs early on. Kenya and Ghana for instance , established FP programs in the late 1960s. Tanzania established a FP put in 1970. Senegal established a great urban FP program in 1976 and a rural put in 1979. Most of Francophone The african continent however , remained largely unblemished by the say of interest in FP courses throughout this period.

A 1920 French regulation that prohibited advertising and distribution of contraceptivescontinued to prevail. Around most of The african continent, issues of population development remained hypersensitive and extremely politicized throughout the post-war period. Nigeria for instance , adopted a national population council to study the issue of population growth nevertheless did not adopt any national policies to lessen fertility (Caldwell and Caldwell, 1983). This was at least in part since census data that created the basis of such decisions was considered to be too questionable. The results of the 62 and 1973 census had been actually nullified due to challenge and controversy over precision of the scale minority groups.

Even when they were adopted, Africa FP programs differed significantly from their equivalent in other countries in several key techniques. First, the focus was almost entirely upon temporary strategies, since permanent methods were regarded as culturally unacceptable (J. C Caldwell and G. Caldwell 1987; J. C Caldwell and P. Caldwell 1988). The establishment of sturdy supply stores for short-term contraceptives

Simply five Latina American countries fell in the first group ” South america, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Nazareno and Guatemala. Mexico is definitely the largest amongst these. In 1974, usage of family planning was announced as a constitutional right for almost all couples. In 1977, a national coordinating body was establish to expand the provision of contraception and a demographic target of inhabitants growth of no more than 2 . 5 percent per year by 1982 was declared. Lots of methods, which includes oral contraceptives and permanent sterilizations, were presented and the birth control method prevalence charge doubled in a span of less than five years (Rodriguez-Barocio et al., 1980).

PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFT

however , proved to be very challenging inside the African circumstance. The health-care infrastructure in this area was fragile and burdened with a popular for curative services. In addition, most non-urban women resided far away coming from clinics or health centers (Caldwell and Caldwell 1992). Stringent membership and enrollment criteria likewise made it difficult to reach ladies. In many cases, a woman’s usage of contraception needed the created consent of husband, proof of marriage status or age, blood tests (for oral contraceptives), frequent girl visits, and non-evidence primarily based requirements that she always be menstruating during the time that the lady starts applying certain strategies such as IUDs or hormone-based systems (Campbell et al., 1996). Social preferences for high virility often built women not willing to be seen participating these clinics. Moreover, since consumers would not receive sufficient information about preventive medicines, side-effects were often misunderstood and gossip were spread. These factors combined to cause frustration and rupture in the long-run (Campbell et al., 1996). Across Asia and Latina America, the spread of primary health care services, speedy increases in female training, the processes of socio-economic advancement and the make use of marketing campaigns to market awareness of FP programs may possibly have reduced some of these problems.

A second distinctive feature of Africa programs is that they were maintained a large number of intercontinental donors who rarely synchronised their activities with countrywide governments or maybe between themselves. Since the weak spot of household health system ruled out the establishment of “vertical courses that manufactured FP with primary overall health services, donors preferred to finance standalone applications that they could establish, take care of and monitor themselves (Seltzer, 2002; Johnson and Ross, 2007; Mayhew, Walt, Rich and Cleland, 2005). The programs as a result often remained small-scale. The goals used to evaluate the courses were typically short-term in keeping with the demands of short budgetcycles. This approach stands in stark contrast to Asian and Latin American programs which were typically work by Ministries of Health insurance and were backed by long-term finances commitments. Donor retreat

Worldwide interest in FP programs misplaced momentum more than 30 years ago. The intellectual shift at the rear of this is often called “revisionist thinking and identifies a escape from Malthusian fears about the debilitating effect of inhabitants growth on economic progress as well as the concern with the adequacy of products of meals and normal resources (Kelley 1995; Kelley 2001). A variety of factors supported revisionist thought: the rapid pace of fertility decrease in Asia, the success of saving money revolution, deficiency of convincing academic evidence for any negative romance between populace

development and economical growth, etc . Economists stressed that the long-run impact of population progress in monetary development might not necessarily become negative. On the contrary, investments in man capital and innovation in growing populations can even include positive effects upon growth and development results (Simon and Lincoln 1977; Boserup 1981). Critics of FP applications used this kind of literature to help make the case that numerous FP programs in the expanding world have been conceptualized and implemented with a false feeling of desperation after World War II, without adequate internal controversy, deliberation and consensus (Kelley 1995; Kelley 2001).

Revisionist intellectual believed was also reinforced by voices of NGOs in international policy. These groups highlighted instances of FP courses that hadn’t gone well in parts of Chinese suppliers, India, Philippines, Mexico, Peru, etc (for a summary, find Seltzer, 2002: 62″70). In India for instance , the questionable

PRIMARY AND UNFINISHED DRAFT

HITTS model (Health Office operated, incentive-based, target-oriented, time-bound, and sterilization-focused) was therefore unpopular that this contributed to the collapse with the Indian government in 1977 and caused India to launch an important critique of FP programs in worldwide policy groups (Harkavay and Roy, 2007). 4 Feminists argued that women in particular, paid out a high price pertaining to population plans, for they got often been viewed as unaggressive “targets who have needed to turn into “acceptors of contraception (Dixon-Mueller, 1993). They will demanded that policies acknowledge women since key agents in the process of reproduction and must encourage them ” through education, information and access to wellness services (that include tend to be not limited to FP) ” to have set up control over their very own bodies. The impact of the rights-based approach was visible at the Vienna Seminar on Human being Rights in 1993 high was an explicit recognition of the significance of reproductive privileges and the requirement of national and international creation policies to get built around these rights.

The biggest switch however , occurred in Cairo with the International Meeting on Human population and Advancement in year 1994. The definition of reproductive legal rights was got center-stage and included not simply issues of reproductive decision-making, but sex health and girl empowerment even more generally. 6 Delegates clearly called for dropping demographic and FP system targets in favor of a wider policy goal that included a range of reproductive and sexual health measures. FP thus became embedded to a broader set of policy-goals. Inside the words from the UNFPA

inches[The ICPD Programme of Action] places human being rights and well-being clearly at the center of all population and eco friendly development activities. The Program of Action moves dialogue beyond human population numbers and demographic targets: its premise is that advancement objectives ” including early stabilization of population development ” can be achieved simply by basing policies and programmes on the human legal rights, the requirements and dreams of specific women and men. Human-centred development -in the sense of purchasing people generally, and specifically in overall health, education and building fairness and equal rights between the people ” is viewed as a firm basis for sustained economic progress and sustainable development (UNFPA, 1995: 9).  The representatives of 179 government authorities agreed on the necessity to ensure widespread access to reproductive system health providers by the 12 months 2015. These types of governments also agreed to maximize spending on population

According to Harkavy and Roy (2007), the government’s Department of Family Organizing estimated more than 20 million births were averted between 1956 and 75. Calculations depending on the number of births averted concluded that the twelve-monthly birthrate droped from about 42 live births per 1, 000 population in 1960″61 to about 38 in 1970″71 and about thirty-five in 1974″75.

The critique of FP programs likewise came from well being advocates whom argued that despite the strides made in the safety of technology such as dental pills and injectibles, safety issues remain. They were doing not agree that the advantages of choice outweighed the risks and argued that contraceptive protection needed increased attention (Seltzer, 2002). Various other health supporters argued that FP acquired absorbed too much insurance plan attention and development assistance

ignoring other critically important issues.

This consists of the right to not be alienated from their sex or reproductive : capacity and bodily ethics through coerced sex or perhaps marriage, denial of use of birth control, sanitation without informed consent, independence from hazardous contraceptive methods, from unnecessary pregnancies or perhaps coerced having kids, from unwanted medical attention.

PRELIMINARY AND INCOMPLETE DRAFTand related applications. The needed resources were estimated for $17 billion a year simply by 2000, ascending to nearly $22 billion dollars by 2015. 7

This agenda was on the other hand met with level of resistance by many groups. 1st, there were individuals who challenged the coupling of a gender ideology with issues of reproductive health. In Jordan to get examples, elites felt that the proposals regarding reproductive well being were appropriate, but proposals that was executed to reduce gender-based violence, deliver sex-education to adolescents, distributed information about STIs and the encourage gender equality conflicted with existing social norms and may not be implemented quickly (Luke and Watkins, 2002; Seltzer, 2002).

A second concern to the Cairo agenda originated in religious teams felt that the expanded explanations of reproductive health and reproductive choice tacitly included abortion and more controversial methods of virility reduction. Although the Cairo plan was thoroughly worded to never support illigal baby killing in any situations, many people believed the fact that two problems were too deeply linked to be segregated in practice (Seltzer, 2002). eight In 2001, with support from the Vatican, the United States openly opposed illigal baby killing, once again applied the “gag rule and thereby withdrew association using organizations that offer women abortion services as an element of their standard effort to expand reproductive choices for women. 9, 15

A final obstacle came from the sheer width and dialect of the agenda itself. A few have asserted that the focus on sexual health insurance and reproductive privileges was so broad that this simply did not gain grip in parliamentsand chambers of government across the developed world (Glasier et al. 2006; Fathalla et approach. 2006). Although Cairo supporters emphasized the value of legal rights, donors had been most enthusiastic about arguments that demonstrate a economic return on investment (Fathalla ou al. 2006). The loss of concentrate also triggered a fragmentation of academic and policy exploration. Many converted their attention to new rivalling priorities, such as HIV (Glasier et ing. 2006; Fathalla et approach. 2006, Blanc and Tsui, 2005). An obvious sign of just how divisive the Cairo agenda was comes from the UN’s Centuries Development Goals, agreed to simply by nearly all international locations in 2150.

The only goals that were associated with reproductive overall health were the reductions in maternal and child fatality. Reproductive choices and reproductive system rights were completely sidelined. In fact , the Cairo aim of general access to reproductive health companies was possibly the only target that had been consented to through a number of global conventions that would not make the final list of 8-10 Millennium Development Goals (United Nations, 2000). In 2007, these goals were altered to include “universal access to reproductive health by simply 2015. Improvement was to end up being measured bywww.unfpa.org

The Program of Action mentioned that “in no case should child killingilligal baby killing be marketed as a technique of family organizing,  and elsewhere that “in [such] circumstances in which abortion is not outlawed, such child killingilligal baby killing should be [made] safe.  This was intended to be a compromise between individuals who opposed illigal baby killing on almost all grounds and others governments and NGOs who have permitted illigal baby killing in different degrees. on the lookout for

This was among President George W. Bush’s first acts in workplace in January, 2001. 10

A cap of $15 million was positioned for foreign NGOs and multilateral organizations who could not certify that they may not support any abortion-related activities, regardless if they use their own funds for these activities several indicators: the contraceptive prevalence rate, the adolescent delivery rate, antenatal care insurance coverage, and the unmet need for FP (United International locations 2007; BEVÖLKERUNGSFOND DER VEREINTEN NATIONEN 2011)Another signal of the destruction from Cairo is seen in the international HIV policies. In the late 1990s, policymakers in the United States as well as much of the universe, were motivated to focus on the process of HIV. Rather than building services into FP programs however , contributor chose to set up entirely fresh programs. One of the greatest examples may be the establishment of President’s Emergency Plan for SUPPORTS Relief (PEPFAR) under US President George W. Rose bush in the year 2003. This was one of the largest attempts in history to cope with the challenge of one disease. The sole relationship among this program and FP was its make an effort to encourage abstinence as a kind of prevention of HIV. eleven Some include argued that the focus on HIV and SUPPORTS simply changed the Cairo agenda, when they should have the truth is simply sturdy and associated it (Blanc and A. O Tsui 2005).

To conclude, the global interest in FP courses has thrown from severe interest after World War II to disinterest on the turn of the century. The weakness of such applications is most noticable in SubSaharan Africa. The interest rate of contraceptive prevalence continues to be only 26%, less than half worldwide average, inspite of significant purchases of treating sexually transmitted illnesses such as HIV (WDI 2010). At the current time yet , there seems to be a renewed interest in the role of FP, specifically in strategies that are broad-based, female-focused, voluntary and sincere of simple human legal rights. In the section ahead, all of us review the literature on the effectiveness and impact of FP applications with the objective of displaying that this sort of programs can have effect on not just male fertility but many different other areas of women’s health.

3. So what do we know regarding the impact of FP courses? Perspectives from your non-experimental procedure

FP programs in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s were mostly established in theabsence of medical evidence or agreement about program “best-practices. This is mainly because detailed time-series data in economic along with demographic factors was hard to find at both the micro- and macro-level. Over time however , data was collected and experts began to test some of the fundamental assumptions fundamental FP applications. The initial wave of studies employed a non-experimental approach, my spouse and i. e. they will evaluated the effect of FP programs concerning using cross-sectional or panel data from a country, region, or pair of regions to evaluate the hypothesis that FP programs influenced contraceptive work with or male fertility. As even more data came out, and FP programs were rolled out, these kinds of studies had been updated and expanded. The study continues to evolve today, however the interest in FP programs provides declined amongst policy-makers.

The majority of the research in this area faces two key difficulties. The first is the task of measurement. Given that FP programs happen to be heterogeneous in goals, quality of solutions, delivery systems and rendering strategies, experts must build a way of measuring program power and not count 11

The following conditions had been imposed in the United States Leadership against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Wechselfieber Act of 2003: 20% of funds were to be used on prevention, 15% to be spent on palliative attention, and starting in 2006, in least 54% were to be used on treatment, for least 10% be used on orphans and vulnerable kids, and at least 33% of appropriated avoidance funds be spent on abstinence-until-marriage programs.

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Becker, G. S, and H. G Lewis. 1973. On the Discussion between the Variety and Quality of Children. The Journal of Political Overall economy 81, no . 2: 279″288.

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Blême, A. K, and A. O Tsui. 2005. The dilemma of past achievement: Insiders’ thoughts about the future of the international family members planning activity. Studies in Family Organizing 36, number 4: 263″276.

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Bongaarts, J., and S. Greenhalgh. 1985. An alternative to the one-child policy in China. Inhabitants and Expansion Review 10, no . four: 585″617.

Bongaarts, J., W. P Mauldin, and J. Farreneheit Phillips. 1990. The demographic impact of family planning programs. Studies in Family members Planning 21 years old, no . 6th: 299″310.

Boserup, Electronic. 1981. Population and scientific change: Research of long lasting trends. University of Chicago, il Press. Caldwell, J. C, and G. Caldwell. 1987. The ethnic context an excellent source of fertility in sub-Saharan The african continent. Population and development review 13, number 3: 409″437.

“””. 1988. Is the Asian family preparing program version suited to The african continent? Studies in Family Preparing 19, no . 1: 19″28. Caldwell, T. C, Barkat-e Khuda, Bruce Caldwell, Indrani Pieris, and Pat Caldwell. 1999. The Bangladesh virility decline: an interpretation. Population and Advancement Review twenty-five, no . 1: 67″84. Chowdhury, M. Elizabeth, R. Botlero, M. Koblinsky, S. K Saha, G. Dieltiens, and C. Ronsmans. 2007. Determinants of reduction in maternal

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